The role of women in Libya is complicated. Many suggest that they were better off before 2011: Under Muammar Qadhafi, Libyan women notionally had more rights than many other women in the Middle East and North Africa: the right to pass their nationality to their children, access to education and lucrative careers, and legal protections from discrimination. But in reality, these rights were not implemented uniformly, and women suffered greatly. The lack of freedom of assembly and expression that prevented Libyans more broadly from pressing for change also prevented women from confronting these societal and legal contradictions.

Libya’s unity government is currently struggling to establish a base in Tripoli, and support from the country’s armed factions, let alone its legitimacy. But only an administration that reflects a broad section of Libyan society has a chance of stabilising the country, and it is notable that – despite taking pains to balance regional and tribal representation – the government is yet to include a single woman. The UN worries that this could be a weakness, and the author of our Libya Politics & Security report here offers her view on why the country’s women may no longer be marginalised.

During and after the revolution, the importance of women’s roles in post-conflict reconstruction was clear. But activists still face death threats, especially after the rise of IS. This has not stopped women in Libya from trying to participate fully in their country’s development, but it has been very dangerous work. The prominent human rights activist Salwa Bugaghis, civil society activist Intissar Al-Hassairi, and Congresswoman Fariha Al-Barkawy have all been killed for their activism over the last two years alone.

In Libya, the UN has worked with female activists representing all facets of Libyan political life to develop a Minimum Women’s Peace Agenda for Libya. The agenda calls for 30% women’s representation in Libya’s unity government, the Government of National Accord (GNA), and all other elected bodies. They also want to enshrine gender equality in the new constitution, and to reform the law to combat violence against women.

For three days last week, Libyan women met with Libyan government officials and UN Special Envoy Martin Kobler to discuss this agenda. In response, Kobler stated that he would submit four requests to the GNA Presidency Council on their behalf: that women should have a 30% quota in the future GNA; that the GNA should establish a Women’s Empowerment Unit under as soon as possible; that women should have adequate representation in all the committees under the political agreement; and that women should have a central point of contact to discuss their views with the Presidency Council.

But having the UN Special Envoy speak on their behalf to the GNA shows the lack of access that these women have to the government themselves. Furthermore, the first committee that the GNA established (on security matters) included no women. It is clear that the next generation of Libyan women will need to fight for their rights. What remains to be seen is whether the UN, and their own government, will help or hinder this battle.

** This is an excerpt from an article in our monthly Libya Focus publication **