After Menas Associates’ recent comments (Algeria Politics & Security – 15.11.22) on the conflict between the intelligence supremo, Major-General M’henna Djebbar, and Chief of the Army Staff, Army General Saïd Chengriha, and signs that the latter is being nudged closer to the door, it is unsurprising that he is anxious about the well-being of his children and their being targeted by press campaigns. This is reinforced by what we have gleaned from our own sources, as well as from a well-placed anonymous diplomat who have explaining how the latest restructuring of the secret services has not played well for Chengriha.

His own criminal record as a major drug trafficker came to public attention in January thanks to Guermit Bounouira’srevelations (Algeria Politics & Security – 11.01.22 and 18.01.22). We understand that Chengriha is now worried that the media — or at least the many Algerian journalists and social media writers based outside the regime’s control — will now start digging up dirt on his adult children, no doubt with the help of the intelligence services. Of his six children — which is one less than his predecessor, General Ahmed Gaïd Salah — we understood that it is his son Chafik Chengriha and his daughter Mélissa Chengriha who are most vulnerable.

With M’henna Djebbar now heading the Direction des Documents et de la Sécurité Extérieure (DDSE), we understand that Chengriha is worried that he is now in an ideal position to open up or continue investigations on Chafik and Mélissa who are both living abroad in luxury at the Algerian taxpayers’ expense. The former is reportedly involved in a range of activities that would be of interest to both the intelligence and judicial services.

Chafik Chengriha reputedly trained as a computer engineer and has been living in Paris, officially on an internship as part of his further training, since 2020. In fact, he is attached to the military office of the Algerian embassy in Paris which is one of the most discreet diplomatic posts and is directly attached to the Defence Ministry. We believe he holds the rank of commander. The Paris office manages a multiplicity of secret multi million Euros budgets. Amongst its better-known responsibilities are the funding of the medical care for the many senior military officials who come to France for treatment, as well as financing the training and care of the offspring of the senior nomenklatura in French civilian or military establishments.

For those still fascinated by how the Algerian regime looks after itself, this comfortable sinecure in Paris was previously held by General Ahmed Gaïd Salah’s son-in-law until the strongman’s death in December 2019. While in Paris, Chafik Chengriha was under the ‘guardianship’ of Major-General Sid Ali Ould Zemirli (a.k.a. Zemerli, Benzemirli, Zmrli) whom his father had appointed as head of the Direction Centrale de la Sécurité de l’Armée (DCSA) in 2020. However, as already explained (Algeria Politics & Security – 06.09.22), Zemirli was relieved of his services some three months ago, following the arrest of his elder brother Colonel Omar Ould Zemirli, and his own arrest and replacement in September (Algeria Politics & Security – 06.09.22 and 13.09.22). 

Additionally worrying for Chengriha is that Zemirli, the officer into whose care he trusted his son in Paris, is currently in prison for embezzlement. We can now fairly safely presume that, while Chengriha had faith in his appointment of the Zemirli brothers, they were probably furthering the interests of M’henna Djebbar. Even if that was not the case, then Djebbar’s appointment as head of Direction Générale de la Lutte contre la Subversion (DGLS) in November 2021, and then as head of the DDSE, would certainly have given him access to the files on both Chafik Chengriha and Colonel Omar.

Mélissa Chengriha, is also a ‘subject of interest’ for the intelligence services in that she became the focus of an investigation after being appointed to a post in Geneva. Her official position has always been obscure because, although she worked in Algeria’s diplomatic representation to the UN from 2017, it appears that she had no specific position and has been described by one source as a ‘versatile civil servant.’

That said, from the end of 2017 she occupied the office normally allocated to Algeria’s defence attaché and, to all intents and purposes seems to have unofficially served as the military attaché in Geneva. The diplomatic mission to the UN in the city shares the same offices as the Consulate General. 

Algeria’s various diplomatic representations in Geneva have provided numerous sinecures for the sons and daughters of Algeria’s leaders and cost Air Algérie — which invariably seems to have picked up the tab — a small fortune for their high living. Mélissa Chengriha’s ‘office’ seems to have been the centre of a number of intrigues that might have made it the subject of investigation, and perhaps more investigations to come if M’henna Djebbar has his way. She has subsequently been promoted to the Algerian Embassy in Washington.

With General Chengriha seemingly looking towards an exit, he has good reason to be anxious about what M’henna Djebbar’s sleuths might dig up and reveal about his offspring’s activities and liaisons. If we see more exposés of Chengriha’s children in the overseas media in the next few weeks, it can be taken as an indication that the noose is tightening around Chengriha and the current military hierarchy.