President Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s long anticipated cabinet reshuffle finally took place on 18 November which was earlier than expected and, as one commentator remarked, ‘as if it was cobbled together.’ There were only two surprises. One was the reappointment of Prime Minister Nadir Larbaoui because, after his first rather ineffective twelve months in office, it was widely assumed that he would be replaced. Names such as Tebboune’s Chief of Staff Boualem Boualem, and Energy Minister Mohamed Arkab had both been mentioned in the preceding few weeks. But Larbaoui’s lack of charisma, experience and energy probably suits Tebboune’s strategy of trying to keep control of governance within the circle of presidential advisers.

The big surprise, however, was the appointment of General Saïd Chengriha, as Minister Delegate to the Minister of National Defence — which is Tebboune as the de facto president — while also retaining his position of Army Chief of Staff. The post, formerly held by Chengriha’s predecessor General Ahmed Gaïd Salah, was one which he has been angling for since the latter’s death in December 2019. 

His appointment as Minister Delegate…

Chengriha’s appointment raises a number of problematic questions and implications. The first is whether its suddenness was personally forced on Tebboune by Chengriha and there are two possible reasons for believing this. One is that Chengriha was cashing in on Tebboune’s debt to him for having supported his re-election and ensuring that his candidacy would effectively be unopposed. 

This does not explain why the timing of the reshuffle. Was there something else that forced Tebboune into rushing the announcement? Chengriha probably had his eye on a number of imminent scandals which — through his control of the national gendarmerie and especially its Bab Jedid Research Brigade — were just about to break concerning one of Tebboune’s favourites, Minister of Industry and Pharmaceutical Production Ali Aoun. Chengriha could possibly have controlled the timing of the investigation but the scandal was already beginning to leak on social media. It provided him with an excellent opportunity — in the style of the former head of the Département du renseignement et de la sécurité (DRS), General Mohamed ‘Toufik’ Mediène — to blackmail Tebboune. The full public exposé of the Aoun scandal could have had very damaging consequences for the president. The alternative, in the form of a quick reshuffle in which Ali Aoun was replaced, would quickly relegate the scandal to little more than a footnote. 

Corruption scandals involving senior members of the regime emerge with such regularity that they have become normalised. Algerians know that most of their military and political leaders are crooked and involved in some sort of criminal activity. However, the Aoun scandal was beginning to spread to many in the Presidency. It presented Chengriha with a perfect opportunity to turn the screw on Tebboune. There were probably also a number of other scandals that would have enabled Chengriha to put further pressure on him. 

…makes him Algeria’s new strongman

The second and far more important political question about Chengriha’s appointment is how it changes the balance of power with the regime. Simultaneously holding the two posts gives Chengriha almost complete control over the military. Being a minister also enables him to attend cabinet meetings and to be involved in decision-making in matters that have little or no direct connection with the army. Comparisons are already being made with some of Algeria’s earlier strong men, such as: 

• the late Khaled Nezzar, who led the military junta and served as Minister of defence at the start of Algeria’s civil war;
• Mohammed ‘Toufik’ Mediène, who referred to himself as ‘The God of Algeria;’ and, of course
• his immediate predecessor, General Gaïd Salah. 

Chengriha’s increased power has been further enhanced by his replacement of Major-General Amar Athamnia as Commander of the Land Forces by Major-General Mostefa Smaïli on 20 November. The holder of the post usually becomes the next Chief of the Army Staff and therefore Chengriha’s likely successor. Athamnia had the professional reputation of being a good soldier, not known for being either strongly supportive or opposed to Chengriha, unlike Smaïli upon whom Chengriha can completely count on not to rock the boat.

The December 2024 issue of Algeria Focus also includes the following:

Politics

• Chengriha’s promotion was the reshuffle’s only surprise
• Writers make political waves and culture wars
• Election head, Mohamed Charfi, is dismissed
• Doctors’ strike is resolved

Foreign Relations

• Collapse of Assad regime is a stark warning
• Marco Rubio: a possible threat to Algeria
• General Chengriha’s visit to Kuwait
• Trade minister’s gross exaggerations

Security

• Rapprochement with Russia plays out in border attack
• Migrants used as virtual slave labour

Economy

• Cash transaction ban hits business

Energy

• The Alrar gas plant fire: what actually happened?
• Gas price subsidies are phased out